Sun, 23, February, 2025, 8:30 pm

BOAT ADRIFT: AL’s journey through power and paradox – I

BOAT ADRIFT: AL’s journey through power and paradox – I

Abdul Monaiem Kudrot Ullah:

BANGLADESH, a nation forged in the crucible of its 1971 liberation war, now sees its legacy of sacrifice and identity increasingly distorted into a tool for political spectacle. Over the last 16 years, the Awami League government under Sheikh Hasina has leaned heavily on emotional rhetoric and symbolic gestures to cement their authority. This reliance on spectacle over substantive governance is emblematic of a deeper malaise — an erosion of democratic integrity in favour of a carefully managed narrative of control. Is Hasina the sole skipper steering the boat to Davy Jones’ locker, or is this the destiny the Awami League has charted for itself?

Growing up in Bheramara, a quiet town of Kushtia, I often heard a curious phrase whispered among the locals: ‘Manus na Awami League’ — ‘one cannot remain human being an Awami League.’ This paradox, both cutting and perplexing, lingered in my mind as I observed the complex political dynamics around me. The Awami League has cast a long shadow over the land. Even when the farce of nonpartisan elections was enacted, their tentacles coiled around every tendril of local power. Yet, when the mask slipped and the people were finally allowed to speak, their verdict was a resounding slap in the face. The nauka, that once-proud symbol, now a ghost ship adrift on a sea of disillusionment.

 

The party’s internal dynamics offer an illuminating lens into this transformation. The old guards, shaped by the struggles of the past, remain empathetic to the aspirations of the people, their leadership informed by the weight of shared histories. In stark contrast, the younger generation, heirs to privilege rather than struggle, exhibit the arrogance of inherited power. Their contempt for the masses, evident in their actions and attitudes, has alienated the very people they claim to serve. The nauka now bears the burden of hubris and estrangement. This evolution offers a poignant case study in the complexities of postcolonial nation-building. The party gradually succumbed to the inherent contradictions of power. While it played a crucial role in shaping Bangladesh’s destiny, its reliance on rhetoric and populist sentiments ultimately overshadowed the ideals that once galvanised millions.

This narrative raises critical questions about the nature of political power and the challenges of maintaining a principles-based approach over time. Has the party, once a champion of autonomy, become a mechanism for centralised control? Has it fallen prey to the corrupting effects of power, placing political survival above the ideals that initially guided its mission?

Analysing the Awami League’s trajectory calls for a deeper look at the moral compromises involved in acquiring and maintaining power, as well as the ongoing effort to reconcile revolutionary principles with the realities of leading a diverse and complex nation.

 

Formation and early ideals: autonomy

THE Awami League emerged in 1949 as the Awami Muslim League, a defiant response to the elite indifference of the All-Pakistan Muslim League. Rooted in Dhaka, East Bengal, the party’s formation reflected the frustrations of East Pakistani leaders and workers, particularly those displaced from West Bengal and Assam, who felt excluded from the broader political discourse. Its foundation was not just a political event but a manifestation of systemic marginalisation by Pakistan’s central government, which controlled power and resources. Led by figures such as Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, Shamsul Islam, Moulana Abdur Rashid Tarkashbagis, Ataur Rahman Kahn and Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, the Awami Muslim League articulated a bold agenda emphasising political and economic justice, provincial autonomy, cultural recognition and linguistic identity. These principles resonated deeply with the exploited and disempowered masses of East Bengal. The party’s narrative was clear: East Pakistan was a victim of systemic exploitation, a region reduced to a subordinate role in the federation despite its economic and demographic significance.

Over time, the Awami League evolved significantly. In 1955, the party dropped the word ‘Muslim’ from its name, signalling a shift towards secular and inclusive politics while distancing itself from the legacy of 1947. However, this transformation was neither straightforward nor without conflict. Many veteran leaders, including Maulana Bhasani, viewed this shift as an attempt to emulate the Indian National Congress’s manifesto in Pakistan, leading to their departure.

 

Bhasani’s era: agrarian socialism

MAULANA Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, the founding president of the Awami League, injected revolutionary fervour into the party, championing agrarian socialism as its core principle. Recognising the plight of the rural poor in an agrarian society, Bhasani argued that genuine reform necessitated addressing land distribution, economic inequality and the exploitation of the rural working class.

Under his guidance, the Awami League shifted its focus from constitutional reforms and parliamentary democracy to the immediate needs of the rural population. The party emerged as a vocal advocate for the peasantry, directly addressing their grievances and demanding a radical societal restructuring to prioritise their well-being.

Bhasani’s vision transcended economic reforms. His early advocacy for East Bengal’s autonomy, preceding the formal Six-Point Movement, intertwined the struggle for self-determination with the pursuit of economic justice. He envisioned an independent East Bengal not merely as a sovereign entity but as a socialist utopia where the fruits of labour were equitably shared.

His influence on the Awami League was profound. He instilled within the party a commitment to social justice and economic redistribution, laying the foundation for its early ideology. Bhasani’s efforts in mobilising the rural masses and cultivating a political consciousness rooted in their aspirations were instrumental.

However, Bhasani’s unwavering commitment to radical land reforms and his sharp criticism of the establishment led to a rift with other Awami League leaders who favoured a more pragmatic, nationally-focused approach. This divergence resulted in his marginalisation within the party but also highlighted the diverse spectrum of aspirations within the independence movement.

Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani, the visionary architect of the Awami League, was unceremoniously sidelined — a humbling end for the man whose vision gave birth to the party.

Despite this marginalisation, Bhasani’s legacy endures. His emphasis on economic justice and the rights of the peasantry continues to inform contemporary debates on social and economic equity in Bangladesh. His vision of a socialist, independent Bangladesh, while unfulfilled, serves as a potent reminder of the potential for transformative social and economic change.

 

Suhrawardy: autonomy and AL’s shifting path

HUSEYN Shaheed Suhrawardy, a prominent figure in early Pakistan, embodied both the promise of East Pakistan’s autonomy and the bitter reality of its betrayal. Recognising the inherent inequalities within the Pakistani federation, he initially sought to address East Pakistan’s grievances within the framework of the Muslim League. However, disillusioned by the dominance of West Pakistani feudals, he joined the Awami League, a party increasingly seen as the voice of East Pakistani aspirations.

As Prime Minister in 1956, Suhrawardy attempted to navigate the treacherous waters of federal politics, seeking to balance East Pakistan’s demands with the fragile unity of the nation. He introduced reforms aimed at equitable resource allocation, but these efforts were met with fierce opposition from West Pakistan’s political and military elites. His dismissal in 1957 by President Iskander Mirza served as a stark reminder of the limitations of reform within a system designed to perpetuate dominance.

Suhrawardy’s ouster marked a turning point for the Awami League. Initially focused on achieving autonomy within the Pakistani federation, the party gradually shifted towards a more confrontational stance. The failure of initiatives like the Bogra Formula, which promised autonomy but delivered little, eroded trust in the possibility of reform from within the system. For Mujibur Rahman and other younger leaders, Suhrawardy’s dismissal underscored the futility of compromise and fuelled a growing demand for greater autonomy, ultimately leading to the call for independence.

The imposition of martial law by General Ayub Khan in 1958 extinguished any lingering aspirations for democratic governance in Pakistan. It was a brutal, calculated coup, its grip on the fragile framework of civilian authority unrelenting. The provisional Awami League, under the shadowy leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, inadvertently handed the military its justification — through the grim spectacle of deputy speaker Shahed Ali Patwary’s killing inside the assembly. This event was no mere footnote; it signified a rupture, a stark moment of betrayal, deepening the divide between East and West Pakistan. What followed was an intensification of repression — a suffocating stranglehold on East Pakistan’s political rights — and the wholesale exploitation of its economic lifeblood, leaving its people battered by inequity and despair.

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, who brought the Awami League to power, faced accusations of treason and was ultimately ousted, reflecting the volatile and often ungrateful nature of political alliances. Suhrawardy’s political career, though ultimately cut short, profoundly influenced the Awami League’s trajectory. His attempts at reform within the Pakistani system and their subsequent failure, laid the groundwork for the party’s eventual shift towards a more radical, independence-oriented agenda. While his vision of a just and equitable Pakistan within a united nation may have been ultimately unfulfilled, his legacy lies in the Awami League’s unwavering pursuit of autonomy, a pursuit shaped by the systemic inequalities and political betrayals he experienced firsthand.

 

Mujib’s rise and AL

SHEIKH Mujibur Rahman rose from the shadow of Suhrawardy’s diminishing influence, transforming into the foremost advocate for East Pakistan’s long-marginalised majority. Initially navigating the political landscape with cautious pragmatism, Mujib’s calls for autonomy reflected an effort to seek equity within the structural inequities of a federation dominated by West Pakistan. However, as the disparity widened, Mujib adapted his approach, blending elements of Bhasani’s populist rhetoric with his vision while quietly sidelining his mentor’s broader ideological aspirations. The Awami League, under his leadership, became a potent symbol of East Pakistan’s growing defiance. Central to this transformation was the role of Ittefaq, a newspaper that amplified Mujib’s message, ensuring the grievances of Bengalis resonated far and wide.

The Six-Point Program of 1966 was not merely a list of demands but a blueprint for dismantling the exploitative structures of centralised power. Advocating economic sovereignty, military autonomy and linguistic recognition, it directly challenged the hegemony that had systematically drained East Pakistan of its resources. By the 1970 elections, this agenda had galvanised a populace united by decades of subjugation, propelling the Awami League to a decisive victory. Yet, the West Pakistani establishment, led by Yahya Khan and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, dismissed this mandate, choosing coercion over compromise.

The brutality of March 25, 1971, marked the decisive breaking point. Operation Searchlight, a campaign of systematic violence, laid bare the regime’s contempt for East Pakistan’s aspirations. Mujib’s decision to remain in Dhaka and face arrest has polarised interpretations of his leadership — while some view it as an act of symbolic defiance, others argue it left a vacuum that was swiftly filled by the spontaneous actions of Bengali military officers and ordinary citizens.

In Mujib’s absence, resistance crystallised among Bengali officers who had grown disillusioned with the military hierarchy’s blatant discrimination. Their rebellion ignited a broader struggle that rapidly evolved into an armed liberation movement. The Mukti Bahini, comprised of defected soldiers and civilian fighters, emerged as the vanguard of this resistance. India, sensing an opportunity to reshape the regional balance of power, aligned itself with the Bengali cause. By providing sanctuary to refugees and direct support to the Mukti Bahini, India became a decisive actor in the unfolding conflict.

The Awami League, though integral to the early political mobilisation, struggled to maintain control as the liberation movement took on a life of its own. The escalating violence and the intervention of external powers rendered the party’s leadership increasingly peripheral to the conflict’s dynamics. The Mukti Bahini, driven by urgency and fortified by India’s logistical and military backing, carried the struggle forward, ensuring that the quest for autonomy transformed into a fight for complete independence.

Operation Searchlight’s calculated brutality — the destruction of Dhaka, the atrocities in Chittagong and the indiscriminate targeting of civilians — fuelled the transformation of political discontent into a war of survival. What began as a movement for autonomy became an existential battle. The creation of Bangladesh was not a predetermined outcome of political manoeuvring but a culmination of collective resistance, strategic alliances and the willingness of ordinary people to bear unimaginable sacrifices.

Mujib’s six-point demands may have provided the ideological foundation, but the liberation of Bangladesh was ultimately realised through the resilience of its people, the military’s defection and India’s intervention. The birth of the nation stands as a testament to the consequences of systemic injustice and the potential of a united people to overturn entrenched power structures. While leadership faltered and external actors pursued their interests, the unwavering determination of the Bangali populace remains the defining force of this transformative struggle.

 

Mujib era: liberation to authoritarianism

THE Awami League, once the beacon of hope for a fractured nation, rose from the ashes of war like a phoenix, only to be consumed by the very flames of power it had ignited. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the charismatic leader who had embodied the people’s struggle, soon succumbed to the insidious allure of absolute authority.

What began as a movement for liberation quickly morphed into a personality cult, with the slogan ‘Ek Desh, Ek Neta’ (‘One Country, One Leader’) echoing ominously through the streets. Mujib, once a symbol of the people’s suffering, became increasingly detached from the very masses who had sacrificed so much for his vision of an independent Bangladesh. The idealism that had fuelled the liberation war gave way to a chilling authoritarianism, reminiscent of the very regime they had overthrown.

Disillusionment festered among the youth, many of whom had fought bravely on the frontlines only to witness the rapid decay of their hard-won freedom. The looting and abuses committed by Indian forces during the war further exacerbated this discontent. This disillusionment gave birth to the Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal, a breakaway faction of the Awami League, led by figures like Sirajul Alam Khan, who would later play pivotal roles in Bangladeshi politics.

Mujib’s vision of a secular Bangladesh, far from being an inclusive force, often served as a thinly veiled excuse for the marginalisation of the Muslim majority. This brand of secularism, deeply rooted in the Bengali Renaissance, a movement spearheaded by Hindu elites with colonial support, had historically excluded the Muslim identity of the region.

The promise of a just and egalitarian society, born from the sacrifices of countless lives, gradually slipped away. The state, increasingly dependent on India, witnessed a gradual erosion of its Islamic identity and institutions. Perhaps the most egregious betrayal came in 1974 with the release of 195 Pakistani war criminals, a decision that sent shockwaves through the nation. Mujib’s attempt to ‘forget the bitter experience of Pakistan’ was a callous disregard for the blood spilled by millions.

The ghosts of the liberation war continue to haunt Bangladesh to this day. True freedom, as I have witnessed countless times across the globe, is not merely the absence of oppression. It demands justice, the honouring of sacrifice and a commitment to a future where dignity, equality and justice prevail for all.

To be continued.

 

Abdul Monaiem Kudrot Ullah is a retired captain of the Bangladesh navy.

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